They All Knew.
On April 7, 1906, thirteen sovereign nations gathered in Algeciras, Spain, and signed a document acknowledging "the sovereignty and independence of His Majesty the Sultan, the integrity of his domains, and economic liberty without any inequality." Every one of those thirteen nations had already absorbed the Sultan's subjects — your ancestors — into their national populations, their aristocratic heritage, their architectural identity, and their administrative records. Every one of them knew exactly who you were. And not one of them treated Moroccan subjects as badly as the United States did in the centuries that followed.
This page contains the internal diplomatic correspondence — the memos, the cables, the instructions, the legal opinions sent from official to official and never meant for the people they concerned. The documents compiled here are not interpretation or argument. They are the words of secretaries of state, acting secretaries, ambassadors, and presidents — writing to each other about who you were, what they knew, and what they chose to do about it.
"The sovereignty and independence of His Majesty the Sultan, the integrity of his domains, and economic liberty without any inequality."
This is the preamble to the Act of Algeciras. Every signatory agreed to three principles simultaneously — and every one of them was violating all three at the moment they signed. The language changed from the 1880 Madrid Convention's "territorial integrity of Morocco" to "the integrity of his domains." That change is not stylistic. His domains — not Morocco, not the African territory. His domains. The Sultan's full sovereign territory, wherever it extended. No signatory excluded any geography. No carve-out for the Americas. No exception for the land they already held.
Sovereignty and Independence
The Sultan is sovereign. He is not a colonial subject. He is not a ward of a protectorate. Every signatory — including France, which was secretly planning the 1912 Protectorate — acknowledged this. France signed "sovereignty and independence of the Sultan" six years before it abolished that sovereignty with the Treaty of Fez.
Integrity of His Domains
Madrid 1880: "territorial integrity of Morocco." Algeciras 1906: "integrity of his domains." The language broadened as the stakes became clearer. His domains include the western territory — Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa, the Farthest West, the Americas. Every power with a stake in the Americas signed this. The domain they had been contesting in Venezuela, Cuba, Panama, and California was the same domain they were acknowledging at Algeciras.
Economic Liberty Without Inequality
A direct prohibition on the extraction economy documented in the documentary record. Convict leasing. Discriminatory property law. Redlining. The FHA loan exclusion. Mass incarceration labor. Every Algeciras signatory that participated in the economic extraction from the Sultan's subjects in the Americas was violating Principle 3 of the same document they had signed — simultaneously, in the same territories the document covered.
Every nation at that table had already absorbed you. Your architecture was in their national museums. Your ancestry was in their royal families. Your craft was their heritage. And they signed anyway.
The Algeciras admission is not merely territorial. It is architectural, artistic, genealogical, and linguistic. The absorption of Moroccan subjects is inscribed in stone, canvas, marble, and national identity across all thirteen nations simultaneously. They signed "the integrity of his domains" with the Alhambra visible from Granada, with Pushkin's novels in Russian bookshops, with the Mauritshuis carrying the name of the Moor, with the Moor with the Emerald Cluster sitting in the Dresden treasury.
Active mediator at Algeciras. Signed with an enforcement reservation on commercial provisions — but the preamble acknowledgment of domain integrity has no reservation. The Roosevelt who signed "integrity of his domains" had issued the Roosevelt Corollary 16 months earlier declaring total US control over the Sultan's western hemisphere domain without the Sultan's consent. The US simultaneously acknowledged the domain and claimed it. The US ran the most extensive name-chain absorption of any signatory — while being the only signatory the Sultan's 1786 treaty designated as a "friend."
Britain's 1856 General Treaty formalized the absorption: "same protection AS British subjects" — equivalence language that absorbed Moroccan subjects into British legal identity without formal naturalization. The Virginia Act of 1667 — "Baptisme doth not alter the condition of the person" — is the American deployment of a mechanism Britain had already field-tested against the Blackamoor population in English courts. Britain ran the absorption in Europe first, then exported it to the colonies.
France maintained the identity noun in its own documents while running the color-word reclassification in its administrative practice. The T6 split — knowing who the person was and classifying them differently — is visible within the French record itself. France signed Algeciras while planning the 1912 Protectorate. In 1939, the US State Department drafted a formal abrogation convention — never concluded — precisely because France was pressuring the US to abandon its independent treaty relationship with the Sultan's subjects.
Spain ran the Morisco absorption (converted Moor = absorbed but suspect) alongside the Negro color designation. The New Spain expulsion edicts of 1539 and 1543 targeted Moors and their descendants explicitly — you cannot expel people who are not already there. Every Spanish-origin place name in the Americas carries an Arabic root: Guadalquivir, Alcázar, Gibraltar, Almería. The linguistic landscape of the Spanish-speaking world is an EOM subject map.
Portugal was the colonial power that first claimed Brazil under the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) — EOM domain territory — while holding Moorish architectural production as Portuguese national heritage. The word "Mouro" is still in common Portuguese usage. Portugal maintained the noun while running the colonial reclassification.
Germany ran the Hofmohren (Court Moors) system — EOM subjects employed in German noble courts as household members, their descendants integrated over generations. The Mohrenstrasse (Moors' Street) in Berlin was named for the Prussian royal court's EOM subjects and renamed in 2022 under political pressure — the renaming confirms the absorption was real and documented. Germany was blocked from the Americas by the Monroe Doctrine; its blocking caused the Algeciras conference; it then signed "integrity of his domains" — the domains it had been expelled from.
The Habsburg imperial court maintained EOM subjects as household members for centuries. The geometric patterning of the Vienna Secession movement — Klimt, Moser — draws on Islamic/Moorish geometric traditions absorbed through centuries of Habsburg-Ottoman contact. Austria-Hungary signed at Algeciras while holding this material record.
La Zisa Palace, La Cuba, San Giovanni degli Eremiti — all Moorish architecture, all in Palermo, all Italian national heritage. The Norman rulers who conquered Sicily from the Moors did not demolish the EOM subject population's built environment — they built on it, within it, and continued hiring its craftsmen. Italy's most distinctive architectural heritage is EOM subject production.
Rembrandt produced multiple etchings of Moorish subjects in Amsterdam, now in the Rijksmuseum as Dutch Golden Age heritage. Suriname (Dutch Guiana) colonial records identify EOM subjects among the enslaved population in Dutch South America. The Dutch ran the absorption through the VOC (Dutch East India Company) trade network and through their South American colonies simultaneously.
Belgian Congo colonial system ran the same reclassification mechanism against African populations as the Americas theater ran against Moroccan subjects. The Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren, holds the documentary record. Belgium attended Algeciras as a European colonial power with absorbed EOM subject cultural production embedded in its national design identity.
Islamic geometric patterns absorbed into Viking metalwork through trade. The Swedish History Museum holds knotwork and geometric patterning showing direct absorption of Islamic/Moorish design tradition. Sweden held the Caribbean island of Saint-Barthélemy — EOM domain — for 94 years (1784-1878) before selling it to France. Sweden signed Algeciras 28 years after selling its Caribbean EOM domain territory.
The Golden Horde (1237-1480) governed Russia for 243 years. It was Muslim. Its rulers collected tribute from Russian princes and intermarried with Russian nobility across two and a half centuries. Russia signed Algeciras without reservation — the strongest signature of all thirteen nations — 39 years after selling Alaska (EOM domain) to the United States and while Pushkin's novels about his Moorish ancestry were in every Russian bookshop.
The absorption mechanism ran inside the EOM's own political history before it ran through European colonial machinery. The dark-copper Amazigh Moors — the original inhabitants of Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa, including the western territory — were absorbed politically by the Arab-identifying dynasty that signed the 1786 and 1836 Treaties. The Sultan who signed Algeciras signed as the representative of a dynasty that had already run step one of the absorption against the original people the treaty was supposed to protect. This is documented in the primary source record and on the Betrayal page.
Thirteen domestic admissions against interest — officials, legislators, and scientists stating what they knew, in their own words, in their own documents. These are not diplomatic cables. These are internal records of what the colonial system's architects said to each other.
The FRUS chain documents what the State Department knew about the treaty class and the treaty. The domestic admissions chain documents what the criminal justice, economic, and educational suppression systems' architects knew about what they were doing — and admitted, in their own words, in writing.
| Source / Year | The Admission | What It Confirms |
|---|---|---|
| Frederick T. Gates, GEB Chairman, 1916 | "We shall not try to make these people or any of their children into philosophers or men of learning or of science... We shall not search for embryo great artists, painters, musicians, nor lawyers, doctors, preachers, politicians, statesmen." | The GEB explicitly excluded the treaty class from the professions needed to identify and argue the 1836 Treaty. The exclusion was deliberate and documented in the chairman's own words. |
| Virginia Slave Code, 1705 | Exempts "Turks and Moors in amity with His Majesty" while simultaneously classifying the same population as "Negroes" for civil disability purposes. | The Virginia legislature knew it was classifying sovereign subjects with treaty rights as "Negroes." The acknowledgment and the suppression were in the same statute. The legislature did not make an error. It made a choice. |
| Frederick Law Olmsted, 1853 — Cotton Kingdom | Documents mosques and Islamic practice surviving in coastal South Carolina and Georgia communities through the 1850s — twenty years after the 1836 Treaty was ratified. | Islamic identity — "Muslimin," the controlling term of Article 21 — was still present in living treaty class communities two decades after the treaty was ratified. The suppression was not complete as of 1853. |
| Thomas Parran, US Surgeon General, 1932 | "If one wished to study the natural history of syphilis in the Negro race uninfluenced by treatment, this county would be an ideal location." — memorandum proposing the Tuskegee study | The architect of the Tuskegee study — which withheld penicillin treatment from 399 treaty class men from 1932 to 1972 — stated the design premise in writing before the study began. The withholding was not oversight. It was the point. |
| J. Edgar Hoover, FBI Director, 1967 | "Prevent the rise of a 'messiah' who could unify, and electrify, the militant black nationalist movement." COINTELPRO directive establishing the Black Nationalist Hate Groups target category. | The FBI's stated program goal was preventing organizational unity of the treaty class. The same year (1967) that Hoover issued this directive, the ICJ's 1952 confirmation of the treaty was 15 years old. No treaty class organization was permitted to reach the scale where the 1836 Treaty could be collectively asserted. |
| Harry Anslinger, FBN Commissioner, 1929–1962 | "Reefer makes darkies think they're as good as white men." — Congressional testimony advocating cannabis prohibition; and: "the primary reason to outlaw marijuana is its effect on the degenerate races." | The federal drug prohibition architecture was explicitly designed around racial targeting of the treaty class. Anslinger stated the racial design in Congressional testimony. The Congress that received this testimony enacted prohibition statutes funding the DEA's predecessor agency. |
| John Ehrlichman, Nixon WH, 1994 (published 2016) | "We knew we couldn't make it illegal to be either against the war or Black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and Blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities... Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did." | The Nixon administration's Domestic Affairs Advisor confirmed, in a recorded interview, that the War on Drugs was deliberately designed to disrupt the treaty class as a political opponent. "Of course we did" eliminates any claim of good-faith error. |
| Nixon White House Tapes, 1972 | "[The abortion bill] is really, I think what's going to happen — and this is important — it will be a problem with the blacks."..."They're going to have children..."..."...they will vote for it because they think that what's going to be aborted are the little black bastards." — Nixon, April 3, 1972 | White House recordings confirmed that executive branch policy was designed around suppression of treaty class birthrates, while publicly framing birth control policy in neutral terms. The tapes are in the National Archives. |
| US Senate Resolution 39, 109th Congress (2005) | "Apologizes to the victims of lynching and the descendants of those victims for the failure of the Senate to enact anti-lynching legislation." — Signed by 80 US Senators. | The US Senate formally apologized for 70 years of obstruction of anti-lynching legislation. 4,084 documented lynchings (Equal Justice Initiative). The Senate was not neutral — it actively blocked protection for 70 years and then apologized for doing so. |
| Church Committee, US Senate (1975–76) | Final Report formally condemning COINTELPRO as an illegal government program targeting domestic organizations for exercising First Amendment rights. | The US Senate's own select committee confirmed that the FBI ran an illegal suppression program against the treaty class's organizational vehicles. The Church Committee report is a Senate admission against interest: the government ran an illegal program against the community whose legal rights it was simultaneously failing to honor. |
| Frederick Osborn, AES Founder / Population Council (1952) | "Eugenic goals are most likely attained under a name other than eugenics." — Osborn, first administrator of the Population Council | The founder of the American Eugenics Society stated in writing that the eugenic program should be continued under a different name to avoid public resistance. The Population Council — founded by Rockefeller III in 1952 with Osborn as administrator — continued the eugenic birthrate suppression program against the treaty class under the name "population control." |
| Wells Fargo internal documents (2012 litigation) | Loan officers called treaty class borrowers "mud people" and subprime loans "ghetto loans" — internal communications produced in DOJ litigation. Wells Fargo settled for $175 million. | The predatory lending mechanism that destroyed an estimated $100 billion in treaty class home equity in the 2008 crisis was designed and executed with racial targeting confirmed in the bank's own internal documents. |
| George Wallace, Governor of Alabama, 1962 | Testimony before US Senate: states were closing all-Black schools rather than integrate because "we have invested thousands of dollars in these separate schools." — Prince Edward County, VA independently closed all schools for 5 years (1959–1964). | State actors confirmed in Congressional testimony that the school closure tactic (depriving an entire county's treaty class population of education for 5 years) was a deliberate choice driven by resistance to integration — not fiscal necessity. |
"The Moroccans are the Indians." This was said by a general, read into the Congressional Record by the Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, in 1957. It is not a theory. It is a documented government admission.
General Guillaume's finding — entered into the US Congressional Record by Representative Emanuel Celler, Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, the committee that writes US law — is the highest-level domestic admission of what every Algeciras signatory had already acknowledged internationally: Moroccan subjects and indigenous Americans are the same people, only administratively separated.
"The Moroccans are the Indians — the indigenous people."— General Guillaume, statement read into the US Congressional Record by Rep. Emanuel Celler,
Chairman, House Judiciary Committee, 1957
The Dawes Commission — the federal body that enrolled people as "Freedman," "Native American," and "Cherokee by blood" — placed the same person in two boxes depending on the day and the enroller. Dr. Jack Forbes, Professor of Native American Studies at UC Davis, documented in primary sources that the word "Negro" was applied to Moors, to indigenous Americans, and to West Africans interchangeably in early colonial records from 1492 forward. The three categories were not hardened yet. They were the same dark-skinned population, described with three different words depending on which colonial power was writing, and later administratively separated to serve different legal purposes.
The word "African" was first applied to what are now called Black Americans and Moroccan Subjects more than 280 years before the Berlin Conference (1884) gave the continent that name. The Dudum Siquidem papal bull (1493) — issued one year after Columbus — designated the entire western hemisphere as the domain of "Indians." The word "Indian" is not a Native American identity word. It is a canon law classification word, imposed by Rome, derived from the Latin "Indigenae." The same authority that named the people "Indians" was the authority that introduced the colonial classification chain. Dr. Roland Dixon's physical anthropology study of pre-Columbian New England burial sites (Harvard, 1923) found that the dominant pre-Columbian cranial type in Massachusetts and Rhode Island — the same geography where Massachusetts wrote "subjects of the Emperor of Morocco" into state law in 1788 — was what Dixon called "Proto-Negroid," matching Amazigh/Moorish physical characteristics, not East Asian characteristics that would be expected from a pure Bering Strait migration model. Harvard buried Dixon's findings after his death. The notes were destroyed. The data was relabeled. Sound familiar?
"A Moor tanned by the climate — because his children, not exposed to the sun, do not become black like himself."— Dr. S. A. Cartwright, Appendix to the Dred Scott Decision, Van Evrie, Horton & Co., New York, 1860. The racial scientist whose work was published in the same pamphlet as Taney's opinion — as the biological foundation for the legal conclusion — explicitly stated that Moors are NOT negroes.
In the same document that declared Dred Scott a non-citizen, the biological authority for the racial classification explicitly excluded Moors from the Negro category. Taney classified Moroccan subjects as Negroes. The racial scientist in Taney's own pamphlet said Moors are not Negroes at all, and their children prove it. Two positions, one document, one population, one word that needed to absorb them all.
These are internal government communications. They were not written for you. They were written by officials to each other — about who you were and what they were choosing to do about it.
The Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series is the official documentary record of US foreign policy — now digitized and publicly available at history.state.gov. What follows is the chain of internal government communications that forms the US government's case against itself. Every element of the Moroccan treaty claim was confirmed in writing by US government officials, writing to each other, in official records, continuously from 1787 to 2025.
Jefferson designated the EOM the singular exception to the "hostile nations" characterization applied to the other Barbary states. The Alien Enemies Act reaches "subjects of the hostile nation." The EOM was never that nation. Jefferson confirmed it in 1801. That exclusion has never been reversed — by any president, any Congress, any court — in 224 years.
The US Senate ratified this standard. No collective naturalization of the treaty class is valid under the framework the US itself approved. The 14th Amendment's application to the treaty class — without individual consent — violated a Senate-ratified instrument. The US approved the standard; the US never applied it to the treaty class. House Document 326 (1906) reaffirmed it: Moroccan nationality is lost ONLY by voluntary naturalization.
France had signed the Treaty of Fez (1912) establishing a French Protectorate over Morocco. France asked the US to formally adhere to it. Knox declined. The US's highest foreign-policy official confirmed in writing that any modification of the US-Morocco treaty relationship required Senate approval. No such approval was ever obtained — not in 1913, not in 1956, not in 1959. The constitutional rule was identified by the US government in 1913 and bypassed by the US government in 1956 and 1959.
The foremost American international law authority of his generation wrote this in a communication to the French Ambassador — three years before WWI began and the Alien Enemies Act was invoked. "Native Moors" — not immigrants from Morocco, not recent arrivals. Native. Already there. Protected. The same State Department that in 1959 would declare the treaty "obsolete" confirmed in 1914 that it was the active basis for the protection of a living class of people. FRUS 1914 Doc 1639 confirms: the US was at this moment the sole holdout that had NOT recognized the French Protectorate — protecting its independent treaty relationship with the Emperor's subjects.
The sitting Secretary of State stated in writing the constitutional rule: a treaty, regularly ratified by the Senate. Not a statute. Not an executive note. Not a State Department memo. Two months after writing this, Lansing recognized the French Protectorate — without Senate approval. He identified the constitutional standard in August and bypassed it in October. The 1959 Note would do the same thing.
You do not list for abrogation what does not exist. In 1939 — 103 years after the treaty was signed — the US State Department internally acknowledged that properly ending the treaty required a formal multilateral convention explicitly naming the 1836 Treaty, plus a replacement treaty, plus a separate naturalization treaty for Madrid Convention Article 15. The convention was drafted. It was never concluded. Twenty years later, the 1959 Note purported to accomplish by unilateral memo what a formal multilateral convention had failed to achieve.
The United States went to the International Court of Justice and argued its RIGHTS under the 1836 Treaty — and won. Seven years before the 1959 "obsolete" note, the US argued the treaty before the World Court and the ICJ confirmed it was operative law. The treaty that US federal courts today refuse to read as justiciable is the treaty the United States argued on the merits before the ICJ in 1952. Both positions cannot be true simultaneously.
In January 1956, the US government identified in its own official memo that the treaty rights "involved Senate ratification." The constitutional standard was acknowledged — then ignored. Eight months later, PL 856 passed as a Joint Resolution — simple majority, no 2/3 Senate vote. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee was notified, not voted. Allen's memo is the document that proves, from inside the government, that the US knew the constitutional requirement and bypassed it anyway. It is publicly available at history.state.gov.
This US diplomatic relinquishment instrument, signed in 1956, confirms three things: (a) the 1836 Treaty was operative through October 1956; (b) "subjects of Morocco" remained a recognized legal category at the moment of relinquishment; (c) "American protégés" CONTINUE TO EXIST after relinquishment — they move from US consular courts to local courts. The class was not terminated. Three years later, the 1959 Note claimed the treaty relationships were "obsolete and without effect." The Cannon-Balafrej letter directly contradicts it.
On April 24, 1987 — 28 years, 1 month, and 7 days after the State Department declared the treaty "obsolete and without effect" — the President of the United States called the same treaty "the longest UNBROKEN friendship treaty of the United States." A treaty terminated in 1959 cannot be "unbroken" in 1987. The US Postal Service simultaneously issued joint commemorative stamps with Morocco naming the Treaty of Peace and Friendship — a bilateral federal act. Under the Vienna Convention's good-faith conduct rule, a party that treats a treaty as operative through five separate federal acts across 28 years is estopped from asserting valid termination.
In 2025 — 66 years after the 1959 "obsolete" note — the US House of Representatives confirmed the treaty is "the longest UNBROKEN diplomatic relationship in United States history." Co-sponsored by the Representative of South Carolina — the same state whose legislature ruled in 1790 that Moroccan subjects are NOT subject to Negro law. South Carolina has confirmed the case at both the state and federal level across 235 years. "Obsolete and without effect" and "longest unbroken diplomatic relationship in United States history" cannot both be true. Congress chose the word "unbroken" in 2025. That word eliminates the 1959 Note's operative effect within the US government's own record.
Based solely on its own official records, the US government is barred from every position it might take. The government's case against itself is built entirely from the government's own documents.
Every position the US government might take in any proceeding has already been contradicted by another US government official or institution. This is not argument. It is the record.
| Position | Why It Is Barred — By US Government's Own Record |
|---|---|
| 1959 | "The 1836 Treaty is obsolete and without effect." — Barred by H.Res.251 (2025): "longest unbroken diplomatic relationship in United States history." Congress used the word "unbroken" 66 years after the Note. The two statements cannot coexist. |
| Treaty Class | "There is no treaty class / subjects of Morocco." — Barred by Moore (1914): "protection of native Moors rests on Treaty of 1836"; Cannon-Balafrej (1956): "subjects of Morocco or others designated as protégés"; PL 856 (1956): names the class by statute. |
| Termination | "The treaty was lawfully terminated." — Barred by Knox (1913) + Lansing (1917) + Allen (1956): termination "can only be by treaty...regularly ratified by the United States Senate." The constitutional standard was identified by the US government and never satisfied. The 1959 Note does not satisfy it. |
| Citizenship | "The treaty class was lawfully absorbed into US citizenship." — Barred by Madrid Convention Art. 15 (Senate-ratified): voluntary naturalization required; House Document 326 (1906): Moroccan nationality lost ONLY by voluntary act. No collective naturalization is valid. |
| Article 21 | "Article 21 is not a live obligation." — Barred by ICJ (1952): Articles 20 and 21 applied on the merits; treaty "remained in force." The US argued those articles before the World Court and won. |
| AEA | "Morocco is or was a hostile nation under the Alien Enemies Act." — Barred by Jefferson (1801): "one only exception"; H.Res.251 (2025): "longest unbroken" relationship in the same year AEA enforcement was applied. |
| Frivolous | "This claim is unprecedented / frivolous." — Barred by ICJ (1952): the US argued this treaty before the International Court of Justice and WON on the merits. The World Court had no difficulty reading Articles 20 and 21. |
Every other signatory kept at least one noun. France: Maure. Portugal: Mouro. Russia: Arap. Spain: Moro. The United States produced thirteen adjectives and zero nouns across thirteen steps and 228 years.
The MFN (Most Favored Nation) cascade at Algeciras meant that every colonial power's absorption mechanism was simultaneously available to every other. Thirteen nations were operating an interlocking, MFN-backed absorption system across every theater simultaneously. But the US ran a step-count and a suppression depth that no other signatory matched. France maintained the noun "Maure" in its administrative records while using "Nègre" in reclassification — the T6 split, the knowing split, the one that shows intent. The US collapsed all thirteen steps entirely. Moroccan Subject → Moor → Blackamoor → Egyptian → Turk → Indian → American → Native American → African → Mulatto → Negro → Colored → Black → African American. Thirteen steps. Zero national designation. A classification program that produces thirteen adjectives and zero nouns is structurally incapable of generating a treaty party — which is the one thing the treaty required.
The US was simultaneously the nation with the oldest treaty obligation to the Emperor's subjects, the nation that had argued that treaty before the World Court and won, the nation that called it "the longest unbroken diplomatic relationship in United States history" — and the nation that ran the most extensive, most systematic, most linguistically complete identity erasure of any Algeciras signatory. No other signatory built a 14-name chain. No other signatory designed an educational system specifically excluding the professions needed to identify the treaty. No other signatory altered birth certificates by name and directed county clerks to reclassify specific surnames.
"The protection of native Moors in Morocco by this Government rests upon its treaty with Morocco of 1836 and the Madrid convention of 1880."— John Bassett Moore, Acting Secretary of State, future Judge of the Permanent Court of International Justice, to the French Ambassador, February 13, 1914 — while Moroccan subjects in the United States were being classified as Negro in the census and Colored under state law.
That is the document. That is what they said when they thought you were not listening. The most eminent international law authority in the US government confirmed in writing — in a communication to the French Ambassador, in 1914 — that native Moors were protected under the 1836 Treaty. That communication is now public record. The treaty that protected them was operative. The classification that denied them was also operative. Both ran simultaneously. That is not an oversight. That is the system.