They Knew Who You Were
The US government did not reclassify the treaty class out of ignorance. It recognized the treaty class multiple times, in multiple official records, across multiple centuries. The reclassification happened while the recognition was on the books. Both are documented. Both are on the official record.
What the government put in writing — before and during the erasure
The most important evidence in this record is not what the government did to the treaty class. It is what the government wrote down about the treaty class while doing it. The admissions are the proof. They cannot be retracted. They are on the official record.
The recognitions — in order
These are not endorsements. These are statements made by officials who were operating within the colonial framework — statements that supported the treaty class argument despite coming from within the framework that denied it. That is the definition of an admission against interest. The person making the statement had no incentive to support the claim — and said it anyway.
Judith Varnai Shorer — Israeli Consul General, Atlanta (2016 IAC Conference)
At the 2016 Israeli-American Council (IAC) conference, Israeli Consul General Judith Varnai Shorer stated: "The major problem with Israel is with the young generation of the black community — Black Lives Matter starts there." She then organized a private engagement with approximately 40 established Black community leaders — including Raphael Warnock, Vincent Fort, and Ceasar Mitchell — and distributed materials from Alan Dershowitz at the event. This is a diplomatic admission on two levels. First, the statement itself: Israel's own consul general identified the Black community in the United States as Israel's primary strategic concern — not a minor constituency, but the center of the diplomatic problem as Israel defined it. Second, the engagement: a consul general allocates official state resources. Organizing a formal dinner with 40 institutional Black leaders and distributing policy materials is official diplomatic conduct. That is a foreign sovereign's official recognition that the population classified as "Black American" has geopolitical weight that requires direct diplomatic management. The US government — which has treaty obligations to that same class — has not extended equivalent official recognition of their treaty status. Israel's diplomat recognized the significance. The treaty partner did not.
General A. Guillaume — "The Moroccans Are the Indians"
General Guillaume's statement was read into the Congressional Record in 1957 by Rep. Emanuel Celler, Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, who stated "I believe Guillaume was eminently right." Guillaume was describing the relationship between the Moroccan population and the indigenous population of the Americas — not as a metaphor, but as a geographic and historical identification. He was confirming, on the US Congressional record, that the people called "Moroccan" and the people called "Indian" were the same population. The Chairman of the committee that writes US law endorsed it on the record. This was 1957. It is still on the Congressional Record.
Senate Resolution 39 (2005) — Lynching Apology
The EJI (Equal Justice Initiative) documented 4,084 racial terror lynchings between 1877 and 1950. Senate Resolution 39 acknowledged this record and the Senate's failure to prevent it. For the treaty class argument: the people lynched were classified as "Black Americans" under the domestic system. But as treaty class Moroccan subjects, each lynching without a consular official present was a violation of Article 21 of the 1836 Treaty. The Senate apologized for the domestic failure. The international law failure — the treaty violation — was not addressed. But the apology confirmed the harm. The treaty violation follows from the admission.
General Education Board Charter — 32 Stat. 769 (1903)
The General Education Board was incorporated by Congressional charter in 1903 (32 Stat. 769) and funded by John D. Rockefeller. Its stated purpose was education. Its chairman's 1916 description of its mission explicitly excluded legal, political, and intellectual development for the population. The GEB document is not a private memo — it is the policy document of a Congressionally chartered institution. The Congress that chartered the GEB in 1903 chartered the mechanism that would systematically prevent the treaty class from learning the legal basis for their own rights. This is documented Congressional action that enabled the educational suppression architecture.
Vatican Joint Statement (2023) — Repudiation of the Doctrine of Discovery
The papal bull Dudum Siquidem (1493) is the canonical root of Step 6 in the name chain — "Indian." The Vatican's document authorizing European colonizers to classify people as "Indians" and dispossess them is the same document that began the name chain. In 2023, the institution that issued Dudum Siquidem formally repudiated the legal framework it created. The Pope's own institution acknowledged that the canonical authorization for the colonial classification was illegitimate. Sublimis Deus (1537) — issued 44 years after Dudum Siquidem — had already self-revoked the authorization, declaring that indigenous people "are not to be reduced to slavery." The 2023 statement is the living institutional confirmation that the canonical root of the name chain was always void.
UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination — Early Warning Filing Acknowledged
CERD formal acknowledgment is not the same as a finding or a ruling. But formal acknowledgment by a UN treaty body means the submission was received and registered as a legitimate communication under the Committee's procedures. The CERD monitors compliance with the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, to which the United States is a party. When CERD acknowledges an Early Warning filing about the EOM treaty class, it creates an official UN record that: (1) the matter has been formally submitted, (2) a treaty body with jurisdiction over racial discrimination against US-resident populations has registered the communication, (3) the US's compliance with ICERD is now specifically under observation with respect to the treaty class.
Israel's consul general called you "the major problem." The contracts tell you what that management actually looks like.
Judith Varnai Shorer did not make a casual remark. She identified the population classified as "Black American" as Israel's primary geopolitical concern in the United States — and then organized a formal diplomatic engagement with 40 established Black community leaders to manage it. That is a foreign sovereign exercising official diplomatic resources against the political consciousness of the treaty class. What follows is the documented infrastructure behind that management.
The technology that monitors Palestinians at the West Bank barrier now monitors Indigenous people on treaty-class land at the US-Mexico border
Elbit Systems developed its border surveillance platform for the Israel Defense Forces. The company markets it to US federal agencies using the phrase "field-proven" — a reference to its operational history on the Israeli separation barrier through the West Bank, around Gaza, and on the Lebanon-Syria border. That same platform is now the primary surveillance infrastructure at the US southern border under a $1.8 billion federal contract.
In June 2019, Elbit received a $26 million contract from US Customs and Border Protection to install 10 surveillance towers — 160 feet tall, equipped with HD cameras, night vision, thermal sensors, and ground-sweeping radar — across the Tohono O'odham Nation reservation in Arizona. The Tohono O'odham are Indigenous people whose traditional territory was bisected by the US-Mexico border. Their reservation is approximately the size of Connecticut. The command-and-control system running the towers — TORCH — was, in the words of investigative reporting: "originally developed for the Israel Defense Forces."
The observation of Maren Mantovani, Stop the Wall: "The idea is that at the very moment you step near the border, Elbit will catch you. Something similar happens in Palestine." This is not a comparison. It is a description of the same technology operating on two populations classified as the same kind of problem.
The same company that ran the control rooms at Israeli prisons holding Palestinians without charge was transporting treaty-class members to US immigration detention — simultaneously
In July 2007, G4S Israel signed a contract with the Israeli Prison Authority to provide security systems — computerized control rooms, CCTV, cell management, biometric access — across every major Israeli Prison Service facility. Among those facilities: Ofer Prison in the occupied West Bank; Al-Jalameh and Al-Moskobiyeh, both documented interrogation centers where torture and child detention have been recorded by human rights organizations. The AMAG Symmetry platform — an Allied Universal subsidiary product — served as the central command interface integrating cell locking, biometric access, and perimeter control into a single dashboard.
G4S signed its first ICE contract in 2003 under its prior name, Wackenhut Corporation. Between 2008 and June 2023, G4S's combined CBP and ICE contracts totaled over $1 billion. Services included transporting arrested immigrants from the US-Mexico border to immigration detention facilities, armed security for ICE operations, and temporary incarceration during processing — in Los Angeles, Phoenix, San Francisco, and San Antonio. Allied Universal continues these contracts today as the nation's third-largest private employer.
The UK government's National Contact Point under the OECD Guidelines found that G4S "has not fulfilled its responsibility under the OECD Guidelines to seek to address adverse human rights impacts" in relation to its Israeli prison contracts. In June 2014, the Gates Foundation divested the entirety of its $170 million G4S holding under international campaign pressure — confirming the investment relationship was real and the human rights concern was recognized at institutional level.
What the two chains, together, document
In 2016, Israel's official diplomatic representative in Atlanta called the Black community "the major problem" — organized a dinner with 40 institutional Black leaders, distributed policy materials, and engaged them through the same established-leadership infrastructure that was built in 1909 to redirect the treaty class away from treaty law and toward the constitutional framework.
At the same time: an Israeli defense company, marketing technology "field-proven" on Palestinian occupied territory, held a $145 million federal contract to surveil the US-Mexico border — including land belonging to Indigenous peoples whose ancestors were classified as treaty-class subjects. A single corporate entity (G4S, now Allied Universal) was simultaneously operating the control rooms at Israeli prisons holding Palestinians without charge and transporting treaty-class members to US immigration detention.
The consul general did not say the treaty class was "the major problem." She said Israel's major problem was the political consciousness emerging in the young generation of the Black community — the consciousness connecting their experience to international law. The contracts document the infrastructure through which that consciousness is managed. The treaty document what their rights actually are.
The colonial story vs. the official record — side by side
| What the colonial story says | What the official documents say |
|---|---|
| "You have no national identity" | The US exercised consular jurisdiction over "subjects of Morocco" on US soil until 1956 — 120 years of official recognition of national identity |
| "You were brought here from Africa" | Columbus's journal describes a mountain peak shaped like a mosque on his first day in Cuba (1492) — the vocabulary of a man raised in Moorish Andalusia. Spain expelled Muslims from the colonies in 1539 and 1543. You cannot expel people who are not already there |
| "The treaty doesn't apply to you" | H.Res.251 (2025): the US Congress calls the treaty "the longest unbroken diplomatic relationship in US history" |
| "You're African American, not Moroccan" | The US State Department (1914): "The protection of native Moors rests on the Treaty of 1836" |
| "The 14th Amendment made you a citizen" | The Expatriation Act — passed the same session as the 14th Amendment — confirmed that citizenship must be voluntary. The treaty class was denied both options simultaneously |
| "The treaty was ended in 1959" | Article 25 requires 12 months written notice. That notice was never given. The US confirmed the treaty "unbroken" in 2025 |
| "Native Americans and Black Americans are separate populations" | Rep. Celler, Congressional Record (1957): "The Moroccans are the Indians — the indigenous people." The same population — classified in two boxes |