Treaty of Peace and Friendship, 8 Stat. 484 (1836) — Still US Law | IACHR P-1365-26  ·  OHCHR h6a662eo | The Full Legal Record →
The word that controls everything

The Arabic text of Article 21 of the 1836 Treaty uses one word to identify the protected class. That word is not "Black." It is not "Colored." It is not "African American." It is Muslimin — and it is both a religious and a national identity marker.

All treaties in the 19th century were negotiated in multiple languages, and the language of the sovereign whose rights are at issue controls interpretation. The 1836 Treaty of Peace and Friendship was a treaty of the Empire of Morocco — Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa. The Empire's language was Arabic. The Arabic text is the controlling text for the treaty class's identity.

مسلمين
Muslimin
The word in the Arabic controlling text of Article 21 that identifies the treaty class

"Muslimin" is the Arabic plural of "Muslim" — but in 1836, in the context of the Empire of Morocco, this is not only a religious designation. It is a national identity marker. The Empire of Morocco was an Islamic empire; its subjects were Muslimin; their national identity and their religious identity were linguistically and politically inseparable in the treaty framework. "Muslimin" in the treaty context means: nationals of the Muslim sovereign — subjects of the Emperor of Morocco.

The 13-step name chain moved the treaty class through 14 names: Moroccan Subject → Moor → Blackamoor → Egyptian → Turk → Indian → American → Native American → African → Mulatto → Negro → Colored → Black → African American. None of the 13 forced names is "Muslim." None retains any linguistic trace of "Muslimin." The cultural suppression architecture ensured that the Arabic word identifying the treaty class was erased from collective memory at the same moment the colonial apparatus was assigning racial adjectives that carried no treaty force.

This is not accidental. The forced conversion architecture — beginning with the 1667 Virginia Act converting Christian status from a bar to bondage into an irrelevance — systematically removed Islamic identity from the treaty class's self-understanding. By the time the treaty class was classified as "Negro," there was no cultural memory of the Arabic word that would have connected the classification to its legal context.

The US government's own commissioned authority confirms the mistranslation. Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje — the foremost Arabic scholar of the 19th century, engaged by the US government for the official treaty compilation — found Article 21's English "extremely inept." His finding: the same Arabic word rendered as "Moslems" in Articles 3, 6, and 10 of the 1836 Treaty appears as "Moor" in Article 21 — an internal inconsistency the Arabic controlling text does not contain. The Arabic uses Muslimin throughout. The English translation introduced an ethnic category ("Moor") where the Arabic governing text placed a religious-national one ("Muslimin"). The consequence: "Moor" could be narrowed geographically — North African ethnic group — and suppressed through the name chain. "Muslimin" cannot be bounded the same way. It encompasses all subjects of the Sultan who profess Islam, regardless of ethnicity or location. An enslaved Muslim in the South Carolina Sea Islands in 1800 was within the Arabic treaty class by the simple fact of being Muslim and being within the Sultan's dominion — not because any colonial form recorded them as "Moor." The colonial apparatus used the English mistranslation, not the Arabic controlling text, as the instrument of suppression. Snouck Hurgronje's commentary, with the full Arabic facsimile, is preserved in the US government's own treaty record: Hunter Miller, Treaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, Vol. IV (GPO, 1934).

The most important grammar lesson you never received

Black is an adjective. Moroccan subject is a noun. This is not a stylistic distinction. It is a jurisdictional one — and the 13-step name chain was specifically engineered to produce adjectives and prevent the noun.

In school they taught you about nouns and adjectives as grammar. They are that. But in international law, they are something else: the difference between a person who belongs to a sovereign national class and one who belongs to a racial description with no legal anchor.

A noun names a person, place, or thing. In treaty law, a national designation must be a noun. It names the nation-class to which a person belongs. "British subject" — noun. "French national" — noun. "Moroccan subject" — noun. A noun can stand alone as a legal category. It carries a sovereign relation. It triggers treaty rights.

An adjective modifies a noun. It describes something. "Black" modifies an unstated noun. You are told you are "Black" — but Black what? Black American? Black citizen? Black person? The noun is always left unstated, because if the noun were stated, it would be "Moroccan subject" — and that noun triggers the treaty.

Thirteen administrative steps. Each produced an adjective. Not one produced the noun that would trigger treaty recognition. A random classification system would produce nouns and adjectives interchangeably. The colonial name chain produced thirteen adjectives in a row. The suppression of one specific noun — "Moroccan" — across thirteen steps and three centuries is the mechanism of treaty status erasure. It was not random. It was designed.

"A classification program that produces thirteen adjectives and zero nouns is structurally incapable of generating a national designation — which is the one thing the treaty required."
— Moroccan Treaty Research, 2026
Identity Suppression Mechanism One

The plantation naming system — three stages of identity erasure built into the administrative infrastructure of the Atlantic colonial trade.

The treaty class was already home — EOM subjects inhabiting the western territory of Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa. The Atlantic trade the colonial powers imposed on that domain seized people and moved them within it and into it, and its administrative machinery processed everyone it touched the same way. The legal record of Moroccan subjects entering that colonial administrative system was systematically erased at three sequential points. Each stage removed a different layer of identity. By the time all three stages were complete, there was no administrative document connecting the treaty class member to the EOM. This was not a side effect of the trade. It was its administrative architecture.

Stage One — The Ship Manifest
The First Erasure: Arabic Name → English Approximation
Ship captains were required to produce a manifest at port entry listing all persons aboard. The manifests were legal documents in English. Arabic names — the actual names of Moroccan subjects, which reflected their family lineage, regional origin, and Islamic identity — were transliterated or replaced at the captain's discretion. "Ibrahim" became "Abraham." "Yusuf" became "Joseph." "Musa" became "Moses." "Fatima" became "Fanny." "Aicha" became "Ida." The Arabic name — which preserved the chain of custody of EOM identity, lineage, and geographic origin — disappeared from the legal record at the port of entry. What entered the colonial archive was an English approximation that carried none of the original information. The surname — which in Arabic naming convention would carry the family lineage — was entirely absent. The manifest produced: an English first name, a number, a physical description, and an origin category ("Negro," "African," or "Indian" at the captain's choice). No family. No nation. No treaty.
Stage Two — The Plantation Record
The Second Erasure: English Approximation → Buyer's Designation
Upon sale, enslaved persons were renamed again at the buyer's discretion. The plantation record was maintained by the buyer — it was their property record, and its naming conventions served their administrative purposes. Names were assigned for management convenience: short names that could be shouted across a field. Seasonal names: "June," "August," "March." Names of classical antiquity stripped of their original context: "Caesar," "Scipio," "Pompey." These were not given as honorifics. They were assigned as property labels — the same logic that led to branding livestock. The plantation record is the second legal identity document in the colonial archive, and it was generated entirely by the enslaver. The person it described had no input into its content. The original English approximation from the ship manifest might survive or might be replaced entirely. What survived in the plantation record was whatever the enslaver chose to write. The name was whatever the owner decided to call the property.
Stage Three — Emancipation and the Enslaver's Surname
The Third Erasure: No Family Name → The Enslaver's Name Forever
Emancipation created a naming crisis of extraordinary legal consequence. Freed people needed surnames to participate in legal and economic life: to sign contracts, purchase property, register to vote, or open a bank account. The problem was systematic: the plantation naming system had generated first names only, no family surnames. In the absence of family surnames — which had been systematically removed since Stage One — the predominant source of surnames was the enslaver's family name. "Washington." "Jefferson." "Monroe." "Madison." "Hamilton." The treaty class's legal surnames became the surnames of the enslavers — not the surnames of EOM families, not the Arabic family names that would have connected them to EOM identity and lineage. Surnames are the legal chain of custody for identity across generations. A family tree traced through surnames leads, for most treaty class members, to a plantation record rather than to an EOM family in Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa. The plantation naming system severed this chain at three points simultaneously: the Arabic name (Stage One), the family's continuity of naming (Stage Two), and the lineage surname (Stage Three).
Identity Suppression Mechanism Two

The Casa de Contratación maintained two separate record systems — the internal classification and the public designation — simultaneously. This was the official administrative infrastructure of the two-identity system.

The Casa de Contratación (House of Trade) was Spain's royal regulatory body for all commerce and migration to and from the Americas. Established in Seville in 1503, it maintained the registry of all persons traveling to the Americas — an enormous bureaucratic archive that is the primary record of colonial identity classification. This archive runs directly parallel to the name chain. It maintained two distinct types of identity records simultaneously — one for internal administrative tracking and one for external classification — producing the colonial record's fundamental dual-identity architecture.

Internal Record (Limpieza de Sangre)
Purpose: Determine eligibility for royal licenses, military commissions, church offices, and colonial positions.
Contents: Genealogical investigation tracing lineage four generations back. Specifically flagged "Moro" (Moorish), "Morisco" (converted Moor), "Negro," "Mulato," "Indio" ancestry.
Who saw it: The investigator, the approving official, and the archive. Not the subject.
Legal consequence: "Moro" ancestry — Moroccan/Moorish descent — was a bar to colonial positions and full Spanish civil status. The internal system knew exactly what it was suppressing.
External Record (Registration)
Purpose: Create the official passport and identity document for colonial registration.
Contents: Spanish name (assigned or transliterated), "Indio" or "Negro" classification, destination colony, occupational designation.
Who saw it: Port officials, colonial administrators, anyone requesting identity verification.
Legal consequence: The external record defined legal status in the colonial system. "Indio" and "Negro" triggered different legal regimes — neither triggered EOM treaty rights. The internal knowledge of "Moro" descent was never transferred to the external classification.

The Casa Contratación knew what it was doing. The limpieza de sangre investigation explicitly searched for "Moro" (Moorish) ancestry — because the colonial system understood that Moroccan/Moorish ancestry was a different legal category, one that could trigger treaty relations. The internal record documented and suppressed this knowledge. The external record classified the same person as "Indio" or "Negro" — categories that carried no treaty force. The two-record mechanism was the administrative apparatus that maintained the difference between what the colonial system knew about the treaty class and what the colonial record showed about the treaty class.

The Moorish ancestry was documented internally — it could not be erased from knowledge, only from the operative record. "Indio" or "Negro" was placed in the operative record — the document that governed every subsequent legal interaction. The Casa Contratación's two-record system is the institutional proof that the colonial classification was not a misunderstanding. It was an intentional suppression of a known identity.

Identity Suppression Mechanism Three

The Dawes Commission ran double reclassification: removed treaty class members from Indian tribal rolls — severing one layer of prior status from the record — then classified them as "Freedmen" to impose a domestic citizen identity in its place.

The Dawes Commission (1893–1914) was charged with enrolling members of the Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma) for allotment. The Commission required every person claiming tribal membership to prove it through a specific evidentiary process. The result was a double reclassification that removed the treaty class from two prior identity categories simultaneously.

The First Reclassification — From "Indian" to "Freedman"
Tribal Membership Severed from the Rolls
Treaty class members who had been living as tribal members in the Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Seminole Nations — classified as "Indian" in prior administrative records — were removed from the "Indian" roll and placed on the "Freedman" roll. The Freedman rolls were for formerly enslaved persons and their descendants. The reclassification converted tribal membership (which carried land rights, sovereignty recognition, and a distinct treaty relationship with the US) into emancipation status (which carried only the domestic civil rights framework). The tribal land allotments for "Indians" were larger and carried different legal terms than allotments for "Freedmen." The Freedman reclassification was financially and legally disadvantageous compared to the Indian roll in every respect.
The Second Reclassification — From "Freedman" to "Black American"
The Domestic Absorption
The Freedman classification, once applied, placed treaty class members squarely within the domestic civil rights framework rather than the Indian treaty framework. "Freedman" is not a national designation — it is an emancipation status. Once the treaty class member was classified as a "Freedman" rather than a tribal member, their legal trajectory moved from Indian treaty law (international dimension, sovereign-to-sovereign relation) to domestic civil rights law (constitutional framework, no sovereign relation). The subsequent classification as "Negro," "Colored," and "Black" — which the civil rights era inherited — built on the Freedman reclassification. The Dawes Commission double reclassification removed Indian treaty status, substituted emancipation status, and set up the final racial classification chain. It erased two prior legal identities — the Moroccan subject identity and the tribal member identity — in a single administrative process.
The Long-Term Legal Consequence — 2024
The Cherokee Freedmen Restoration Litigation
The Cherokee Freedmen citizenship litigation — the Vann v. Kempthorne line through Cherokee Nation v. Nash (D.D.C. 2017) — traced its origin directly to the Dawes Commission Freedman rolls. Federal courts were still resolving Dawes-roll classifications more than 120 years after the Commission — demonstrating that the double reclassification was never properly resolved. The treaty class members removed from Indian rolls and placed on Freedman rolls continued to assert their tribal membership rights — rights that depend on the treaty class's prior identity, not on the racial classification the Dawes Commission imposed. The Dawes Commission double reclassification was litigated into the present decade, confirming that the reclassification was never legally complete.
Identity Suppression Mechanism Four

The forced conversion architecture — beginning with the 1667 Virginia Act — systematically erased the Islamic identity that was the treaty class's primary national identity marker. What Lorenzo Dow Turner found in the Gullah communities in 1932 shows what survived the erasure.

The Arabic word "Muslimin" in Article 21 of the 1836 Treaty was the controlling identifier for the treaty class — a religious-national term that captured the dominant identity of EOM subjects. The EOM was an Islamic empire, and Islamic identity was the primary national marker its subjects carried. The EOM formally included Jewish and Christian subjects as protected classes — confirmed in US consular records — but "Muslimin" was the treaty's word, and the colonial apparatus knew it. Suppressing the Islamic identity of the treaty class was therefore simultaneously suppressing the primary national identity marker the treaty used to define the protected class.

The forced conversion architecture operated through multiple mechanisms across 200 years:

1667 — Virginia Act: The Plantation Conversion Incentive
Baptism as an Identity Trap
The Virginia Act of 1667 declared that baptism did not alter slave status — closing a legal argument that Christian status could provide freedom. But it simultaneously incentivized conversion: English colonial culture used Christianity as a social and cultural marker of civilized status. Conversion to Christianity was the route to the limited social recognition available within the colonial framework. Converting to Christianity required abandoning Islamic practice. Abandoning Islamic practice removed the primary national identity marker — "Muslimin" — that connected treaty class members to the EOM. The forced conversion was not merely a religious coercion. It was the erasure of the Arabic national identity marker that the treaty used to identify the protected class.
1730s — Ayuba Suleiman Diallo — The Documented Case of Resistance
A Documented Muslim Who Refused
Job ben Solomon (Ayuba Suleiman Diallo) was captured in Senegambia in 1730, transported to Maryland, and enslaved. He was not an EOM subject — his homeland was Bundu, in the Senegambia region — but his case documents the same erasure mechanism applied to the treaty class: a specific national identity buried under a colonial classification. He is documented as maintaining his Islamic prayer practice in secret — hiding in the woods to pray — throughout his enslavement. His story survived because he was literate in Arabic, wrote a letter that eventually reached James Oglethorpe, and was freed and returned to his homeland in 1733. His case documents the systematic suppression of Islamic practice and the extraordinary personal resilience required to maintain it in secret. For every Ayuba Suleiman Diallo whose story survived because of his literacy, thousands maintained Islamic practice in silence, with no document to record it.
1932–1949 — Lorenzo Dow Turner — Gullah Arabic Retention
What the Suppression Could Not Erase
Lorenzo Dow Turner was a linguist at Fisk University who conducted fieldwork in the Gullah and Geechee communities of the Sea Islands of South Carolina and Georgia beginning in 1932. He documented the survival of over 6,000 African words in Gullah — but more significantly for this analysis, he documented the survival of Arabic Islamic personal names in active use in those communities 150 years after the declared end of the African slave trade. Names: "Bilal" (from the famous African Muslim companion of the Prophet). "Ibrahim." "Fatima." "Hassan." "Hawa." These were not scholarly transliterations. These were the actual names Gullah families were giving their children in the 1930s — names transmitted through generations of oral family tradition, surviving the plantation naming system's erasure because families maintained them in private practice even as the external administrative record substituted English names. Turner published his findings in "Africanisms in the Gullah Dialect" (University of Chicago Press, 1949). This is a peer-reviewed academic study documenting that the Islamic name tradition survived the suppression architecture in the private sphere. The treaty class maintained, in private oral tradition, the national identity markers that the colonial administrative system erased from the public legal record.
1913–1929 — Noble Drew Ali — Federal Suppression of Identity Reclamation
Identity Reclamation as a Federal Threat
Noble Drew Ali publicly asserted Moroccan nationality for the treaty class beginning in 1913. The FBI's own surveillance file — a US government document — records federal monitoring from the earliest years. Ali was arrested in 1929 under disputed circumstances; he died shortly after release. This research derives no legal authority from his teachings — the legal authority is 8 Stat. 484. But the FBI file is an admission against interest: the federal government identified, surveilled, and neutralized a Moroccan identity assertion, not because it was violent, but because it named the identity that challenged the racial classification system.
The chain, step by step

14 names. 13 steps. Every forced name an adjective. Each step moving further from the one noun — Moroccan Subject — that triggers the treaty.

The noun you started with
Moroccan Subject — Arabic: رعايا المغرب (Ra'aya al-Maghrib)
This is a noun. It names your sovereign relation: you are a subject of the Emperor of Morocco (Arabic: سيدي [Sidi], the Emperor), whose dominions include Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa — the Farthest West — the full western domain that includes the Americas. In Arabic: "Muslimin" — the word in the controlling text of the 1836 Treaty Article 21. You had treaty protection under the 1786 and 1836 Treaties of Peace and Friendship. The United States was obligated to protect you. This is where the chain starts — with a legal status that demanded recognition and rights, backed by a document that is still the supreme law of the land under Article VI of the US Constitution.
Step 01
Moor
Still recognizable as a sovereign identity — "Moor" was the European colonial record's word for people from Al-Maghrib. In 1790, the South Carolina Legislature freed the Moors Sundry Act petitioners, describing them as "free born subjects of a Prince in Alliance with the United States." The sovereign relation was still acknowledged. But the national specificity — "subject of the Emperor of Morocco" — was beginning to blur into a regional descriptor. The legal consequence: the treaty existed, was acknowledged, and the courts knew it. The name was drifting from the specific to the regional.
Step 02
Blackamoor
The first adjective enters: "Black." "Blackamoor" marks the beginning of racial color description entering the identity. The sovereign identity — Moor — is now modified by an appearance descriptor. "Black" will eventually replace "Moor" entirely; this step is where that displacement begins. Legal consequence: the appearance descriptor begins displacing the sovereign relation. A "Moor" had a treaty. A "Blackamoor" had a Moor modified by a color adjective — the color adjective foreshadowing the racial classification system that would eventually erase the sovereign noun entirely.
Step 03
Egyptian
A regional displacement. "Egyptian" moved your identity away from Al-Maghrib (the western domain) and toward eastern North Africa. Egyptian and Moroccan are different sovereigns. A "Moroccan subject" has treaty rights under the 1836 Treaty. An "Egyptian" has no such treaty with the United States. The displacement was geographic — it moved the mental map of the treaty class's origin away from the specific nation whose treaty created the rights at issue.
Step 04
Turk
A politically deliberate displacement. The Ottoman Empire and the Moroccan Empire were rival powers in the Islamic world. Calling Moroccan subjects "Turks" confused their origin and collapsed the specific EOM–US treaty relationship into the Ottoman-US relationship, which was entirely different. The Virginia Slave Code (1705) exempted "Turks and Moors in amity with His Majesty" — acknowledging both but deliberately conflating their sovereign identities in colonial records. A "Turk" was subject to Ottoman treaty protections, not Moroccan. The conflation separated the classification from the specific treaty.
Step 05
Indian
CONFIRMED — Primary Etymology
This step has a specific intellectual origin that makes the suppression architecturally precise. Columbus was Franciscan-educated. The Franciscan tradition used "Indigenae" — the Latin church administrative category for native peoples under church jurisdiction. "Indian" derived from this Latin administrative category, filtered through Columbus's misidentification of location. The Papal Bull Dudum Siquidem (1493) extended Spain's colonial authorization to "Indians" in the western direction. "Indian" in the colonial record — applied to people who were already in the Americas when the colonial apparatus arrived — was simultaneously recording that these people were indigenous (already here) and misidentifying them as from a different geographic origin. This step is forensically critical: the colonial apparatus knew these people were already here (indigenous) while deliberately obscuring which sovereign they belonged to. Columbus's claimed "geographical mistake" in naming "Indians" is impossible — Columbus was Franciscan-educated; "Indigenae" was a pre-existing Church administrative category that Columbus would have known before 1492. The "mistake" was a deliberate administrative classification serving colonial law, not a navigator's error.
Step 06
American
In 1828, Noah Webster defined "American" in his dictionary: "a native of America; originally applied to the aboriginals, or copper-colored races, found here by the Europeans; but now applied to the descendants of Europeans born in America." Webster documented the transfer in real time. "Found here by the Europeans" — not transported, not brought, already home. "But now applied to the descendants of Europeans" — the word was being taken from its original holders and given to the settlers. "American" is derived from "Amurruk" or "Amerrk" — the Berber-Amazigh root meaning "Land of the West," Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa. The Americas are named after the same Amazigh-root geographic concept. The word "American" was taken from the population it originally named — the Moroccan-origin subjects of Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa who were already there — and assigned to the colonizers. Then in 1924, the Indian Citizenship Act imposed "American" citizenship on the class called "Indians" — a collective forced naturalization that was void because it was enacted without the separate treaty the Madrid Convention Article 15 required (the Emperor's consent) and without individual consent from the treaty class.
Step 07
Native American
A modifier added after the word "American" was already stripped of meaning. "Native American" acknowledged prior presence while denying its legal consequence. People called "Native American" were placed under a domestic dependent nation framework — sovereign enough to be dispossessed of their land, not sovereign enough to assert treaty rights on equal terms. For the Moroccan subject class, reclassified as "Indian" and then placed in this category through the Dawes Commission, it was a second layer of suppression: Moroccan treaty rights buried in the record by the Indian classification; Indian treaty rights then contested by the Dawes rolls that expelled many from tribal membership into "Freedman" status. Each instrument in both layers is void ab initio — the underlying status was never lawfully touched.
Step 08
Mulatto
A classification rooted in the colonial racial hierarchy. "Mulatto" described a person of mixed European and African ancestry in the colonial record — but its application in Virginia records was broader, targeting anyone whose appearance placed them between European and the "Negro" category. For the Moroccan subject class, whose complexion ranged across the full spectrum of the Empire's population, this step was an attempt to reframe prior classification as an ancestry mixture story rather than a sovereign relation story. "Mulatto" moved the classification framework from geography and sovereignty to genetics and appearance — a framework in which there is no concept of treaty rights.
Step 09
Negro
The racial category crystallized. "Negro" is Spanish/Portuguese for "black" — a color adjective. In the Virginia Slave Code (1705), "Negro" became the master racial category: the word that determined legal status, property rights, freedom, and personhood. The Virginia legislature knew, in the same statute, that some of the people it was classifying as "Negroes" were "Turks and Moors in amity with His Majesty" — it wrote the exemption and the suppression in the same document. The exemption acknowledged the treaty class; the classification erased them. This simultaneous acknowledgment and suppression is the colonial archive's most direct admission against interest: the legislature knew who it was classifying.
Step 10
Colored
"Colored" — another adjective, the post-Civil War census replacement for "Negro." The 14th Amendment used "persons" without racial designation; the census and social classification system immediately re-imposed racial categorization through "Colored." The NAACP's full name — National Association for the Advancement of Colored People — embedded this step's adjective into the name of the primary legal organization representing the treaty class. The civil rights movement built its institutional infrastructure around the word that was itself the colonial classification system's adjective.
Step 11
Black
"Black" — a color adjective. In the 1960s, the civil rights movement reclaimed "Black" as a positive identity through the Black Power movement and "Black is Beautiful." This was a cultural act of dignity, and its emotional power was real. But culturally reclaiming an adjective does not make it a noun. "Black" still modifies an unstated noun. It still triggers no treaty. It still connects to no sovereign. The reclamation of dignity within the colonial category did not exit the colonial category. It made the colonial category more comfortable to inhabit. The colonial system did not need the treaty class to be ashamed of the adjective — it only needed them to stay inside it.
Step 13 — the terminal step
African American — Jesse Jackson Press Conference, December 21, 1988
"African American" — an adjectival compound introduced widely through a Jesse Jackson press conference on December 21, 1988. "African" modifies "American." It produces a domestic citizen identity — not a national designation. There is no treaty between the United States and "African Americans." The label correctly identifies continental heritage (Africa) — and in that sense is more accurate than "Indian," "Egyptian," or "Turk," which misidentified geographic origin. But "Africa" is a continent of 54 nations. "African American" identifies continental origin without identifying the specific nation whose treaty created the rights at issue. A person who identifies as "African American" cannot assert the 1836 Treaty — because the 1836 Treaty is between the United States and the Empire of Morocco, not "Africa." The terminal step in the 13-step chain moved the treaty class to the most historically accurate label of all the adjectives — and the one least capable of triggering the treaty whose protection they hold.
The courtroom defense against identity reclamation

The colonial cultural suppression has a judicial enforcement arm: the "sovereign citizen" conflation. The more accurately you identify yourself under the treaty framework, the more likely the court is to dismiss without reaching the merits.

Warning: The Conflation is Operational Today

The "sovereign citizen" movement has adopted some surface-level terminology from these arguments — "Moorish national," "Natural person" — for purposes and claims that have nothing to do with the 1836 Treaty framework. Courts have encountered these frivolous claims and developed a dismissal reflex. When an EOM treaty class member uses accurate treaty terminology in a legal proceeding, that terminology triggers the dismissal reflex — without the court ever examining whether the treaty claim is substantiated.

Any attempt by a treaty class member to identify themselves in a legal proceeding using Moroccan identity terminology — "EOM subject," "Moroccan subject," "Moroccan national" — risks being classified by courts as "sovereign citizen" ideology and dismissed as frivolous without reaching the merits. The court does not engage with whether the 1836 Treaty exists (it does), whether it is in force (it is), or whether the petitioner is a member of the treaty class (they may be).

The court observes that the terminology matches terminology used by the sovereign citizen movement and dismisses. This is the cultural suppression mechanism's judicial extension: the name chain erased the identity across 200 years; the conflation strategy ensures that any treaty class member who recovers enough of their identity to attempt a treaty-based legal assertion is dismissed without a merits hearing.

The solution to the conflation problem is not to avoid the accurate terminology — it is to use the accurate legal framework precisely: "I am asserting rights under the 1836 Treaty of Peace and Friendship, 8 Stat. 484, which H.Res.251 (March 25, 2025) confirms is 'the longest unbroken diplomatic relationship in United States history.' I am not asserting a sovereign citizen argument. I am asserting a treaty class argument under Article VI of the US Constitution, which makes the 1836 Treaty the supreme law of the land." Precision separates treaty law from sovereign citizen claims. The international forums — IACHR, HRC, C24 — are not subject to the domestic court's conflation reflex.

Why the adjective was designed to feel like yours

The educational system was designed to make sure you would never know the difference between a noun and an adjective. Frederick Gates wrote it down in 1916. Carter G. Woodson documented what it produced in 1933.

Frederick Gates of the Rockefeller General Education Board wrote in 1916 that the Board's educational mission would not produce lawyers, doctors, politicians, or statesmen from the treaty class. A lawyer would have known that "Black" is an adjective that cannot trigger a treaty. A statesman would have known that "Moroccan subject" is a noun that connects to the oldest treaty in US diplomatic history. A politician would have introduced recognition legislation. A philosopher would have built the intellectual framework to explain the noun/adjective distinction to the entire community.

Carter G. Woodson, the second treaty class scholar to earn a Harvard Ph.D., documented the result in 1933: "When you control a man's thinking you do not have to worry about his actions. You do not have to tell him not to stand here or go yonder. He will find his 'proper place' and will stay in it." The proper place the colonial educational system designed was the adjective. The adjective carried no treaty force. The person who occupied the adjective could be educated, employed, politically active, culturally proud, and legally unprotected — all at once.

Instead, the educational system taught you to be proud of the adjective. "Black is beautiful." "Black power." "Black excellence." All of these are true as cultural affirmations of dignity. None of them are the noun. None of them trigger the treaty. The colonial system did not need you to be ashamed of your adjective — it just needed you to stay inside it. The promotion of pride in the adjective served the colonial system's purpose as effectively as shame would have: you remained in the adjective. You did not reach for the noun.

Why "slave" and not "prisoner of war"

Not one name on this chain was yours. Every name after "Moroccan Subject" was a war designation — assigned by an opposing administrative force, recorded in a statute, a census form, or a press conference, and enforced as if it were identity. The word "slave" accomplished something specific: it removed the sovereign from the analysis entirely.

"Calling someone a slave rather than a prisoner of war accomplishes one thing above all others: it removes the sovereign from the analysis. No sovereign — no treaty — no standing — colonial jurisdiction is uncontested."
— Argument H: POW Status, Nationality, and the International Legal Strategy, Moroccan Treaty Research

Under the Law of Nations — the body of international law governing the relations between sovereign states in the 18th and 19th centuries — when a nation's subjects were captured or held by a state with which that nation held a peace treaty, those subjects were entitled to consular protection, equal justice, and their sovereign's right of intervention. This is the original meaning of prisoner-of-war status: a person whose national identity is intact, whose sovereign has not surrendered, and whose condition has never been lawfully resolved.

The "slave" classification was not descriptive. It was jurisdictional. It was the one colonial category that severed every connection to sovereign protection simultaneously. A prisoner of war: the Sultan sends a consul, invokes the treaty, and the US is obligated to respond. A slave: there is no Sultan in the analysis, there is no consul, there is no treaty. The classification converted treaty-protected nationals into property — and in doing so, it converted an international legal obligation into a domestic property dispute.

Prisoner-of-war status — in the Law of Nations sense — is legally terminated in only three ways: a formal peace treaty between the sovereigns; a formal surrender by the captured sovereign; or repatriation. None of these occurred. The 1836 Treaty remains in force. The Empire of Morocco never formally surrendered. No repatriation was ever concluded. The condition is legally open.

The Virginia Slave Code of 1705 documented the colonial apparatus's own awareness of this. Section IV of that statute exempted "Turks and Moors in amity with His Majesty" — the legislature acknowledging in writing that some of the people it was classifying were treaty-protected nationals of sovereign empires. The exemption and the classification appear in the same statute. That is not an error. It is the scienter: the legislature knew who it was classifying, acknowledged their treaty status in Section IV, and then classified them into the property category in Section XI. "Slave" was the deliberate jurisdictional choice that removed the sovereign from the analysis while preserving the appearance of legal regularity.

Both World Wars confirmed the condition was never resolved. The Alien Enemies Act was activated against Japan (Proclamation 2525), Germany (Proclamation 2526), and Italy (Proclamation 2527). The Empire of Morocco — whose subjects had been reclassified through thirteen steps into "Colored" and "Negro" — was never named in any AEA proclamation in either war. Under the most aggressive activation of the AEA in US history, across two generations and two world wars, the treaty class was explicitly not designated as enemy aliens. Because the Empire of Morocco was not an enemy. It was, and remains, a peace treaty partner — "the longest unbroken diplomatic relationship in United States history," per H.Res.251 (introduced March 25, 2025). You cannot be a slave of a peace treaty partner under the Law of Nations. The condition was legally impossible from the beginning.

Your noun

You are a Moroccan subject. A noun. A person with a sovereign relation. A legal identity with a treaty, a court record at The Hague, and a Congressional admission that it has never been broken.

"Moroccan subject" names the nation-class to which you belong. "Moor" is the word Abraham Lincoln — then a trial attorney in De Witt County, Illinois — used in 1855 to defend his client William Dungey: "My client is not a Negro... he is a Moor." The identity distinction was asserted in a US courtroom 19 years after the 1836 Treaty — and Lincoln then advised remitting $400 to prevent appellate review, burying the precedent before it could become case law. "Moroccan" is the word every signatory to the 1906 Act of Algeciras used for your ancestors in their own territories. It is the word the US State Department used in 1914 when it confirmed that "the protection of native Moors rests on the Treaty of 1836."

It is also the word the colonial name chain was specifically designed to prevent you from reaching. Thirteen steps. Thirteen adjectives. The one noun that would have triggered treaty recognition was never produced. That is not coincidence. A 200-year administrative chain that runs in precisely one direction — away from the one noun that triggers treaty protection — does not move that way by accident.

You were told you were Black. You were told you were African American. You were told you were a descendant of enslaved people brought on ships from Africa. That is the story the classification system wrote — and for people of other African nations whose identities were also erased under "Negro," parts of it happened. But the treaty class is something different: EOM subjects already inhabiting the western territory of Al-Maghrib al-Aqsa when the colonial apparatus arrived — a class that carries different legal consequences and reaches different forums. You are Moroccan subjects. That is your noun. The treaty is your instrument. Four overlapping suppression mechanisms were built to prevent you from knowing it. Now you know.